What this course is about
A globalized world: trade, money and migration tie distant places together.
Diversity: the same process lands very differently.
- Places: some gained from trade, others lost their factories
- Politics: some regions turned to populists, others did not
- People: some leave home, and send money to those who stay
- Neighbourhoods: some groups live side by side, others apart
An average hides all four. This week we look for them in the data.
The week
| Monday |
The China Shock and AI |
Who paid for globalization? |
| Tuesday |
Populism and Democratic Erosion |
What did those losses do to politics? |
| Wednesday |
Migration — optional |
Why do people leave, and what follows them back? |
| Thursday |
Segregation |
Do different people ever actually meet? |
| Friday |
Final Presentations |
What did your team find? |
Wednesday 16 September is Independence Day, so that session is optional.
A second course, about evidence
Every day, the same habit: ask what the evidence actually shows.
- Monday: a map reveals what a national average hides
- Tuesday: one wave of populism, four competing explanations
- Wednesday: one event, two economists, opposite conclusions
- Thursday: change the unit you measure, and the answer changes
By Friday you will have built one of these arguments yourself.
Optional: the R you need
No background in economics, statistics or programming is required, and you can make your figures in Excel or Tableau. R is recommended. If you choose it, work through these decks from my research workshop: they teach enough R to make maps and graphs, and nothing beyond that.
| Monday |
Lecture 2: Essential Tools for Writing a Paper Lecture 3: Operations and Objects in R |
R, RStudio and Quarto installed; the basics of R |
| Tuesday |
Lecture 6: Working with Data in R Lecture 7: Dplyr and Basic Visualization |
Loading the data, and your first graph |
| Wednesday |
Lecture 13: Data Visualization in R 1 Lecture 14: Data Visualization in R 2 |
Maps and colour scales |
| Thursday |
Lecture 15: Data Visualization in R 3 |
Facets: how the simple graph becomes the complex one |
Links are on each session page. The workshop’s statistics and regression decks are not part of this course.
What you will be able to do
- Describe where globalization’s costs landed, and why averages mislead
- Explain economic and cultural accounts of the populist backlash
- Explain why people migrate, and what the evidence says about wages
- Measure how segregated a city is, and why the unit matters
- Read a claim critically — rival explanations, and what data cannot show
- Produce a short report with maps and graphs, in any tool
Logistics
- When: Monday to Friday, 13:10–15:50 · Where: Aulas 11201
- Instructor: Bogdan Popescu · bgpopescu@tec.mx · office hours by appointment
- Course site: bgpopescu.net/teaching/diversity, one page per session
- Reading: one article per session, read together in class
- Software: Excel, Tableau or, ideally, R
How you are graded
| Team report |
40% |
| Final presentation |
25% |
| Reading quiz, Friday |
25% |
| Contributions to class |
10% |
Contributions to class — the average of:
- Attendance
- Participation in the in-class exercises
- Progress on your report
Your report mark is adjusted by your team member evaluation.
The team report
Teams of three. One report, made with any tool, containing:
- Two to three maps
- One simple graph and one more complex graph
- An interpretation in your own words
- A table declaring your use of AI
Due Friday at 13:10, the start of the final session. Submit a PDF of the report and the file you made the figures in, on Canvas.
Where the report marks are
| The question |
6 |
one specific question, answerable with your data |
| The figures |
10 |
titled, labelled, sourced, readable |
| The interpretation |
12 |
you say what each figure shows, in your own words |
| What you cannot say |
8 |
who is counted, which unit, one rival explanation |
| AI and working file |
4 |
declaration complete, file opens and runs |
Half the marks are the two bold rows. Good figures with nothing said about them do not pass.
Worked examples
Three finished reports built from this course’s data, made in R. Copy the structure in any tool.
You may take the structure. The question, the choice of variables and the interpretation have to be yours.
The final presentation
Friday. Ten minutes per team, plus questions. Follow your report:
- The question — one sentence
- The maps — where the dark areas are, and what that means
- The graph — the relationship you found
- What you cannot say — the limitation that most threatens your conclusion
- One thing that surprised you
Show your figures and talk about them. Do not read from the slide.
Where the presentation marks are
| The question |
4 |
one sentence, at the start |
| The figures, explained |
7 |
you talk the room through a figure |
| What you cannot say |
5 |
the limitation that threatens your conclusion |
| Answering questions |
7 |
whoever made a choice can explain it |
| Time and teamwork |
2 |
ten minutes, everyone speaks |
The biggest single row is answering questions — including where AI helped, and how you checked it.
Use of AI
You may use AI, such as ChatGPT. You must declare it.
Every report ends with a short table: what you used it for, what you asked, and how you checked the answer.
- Never submit work you cannot explain — you will be asked
- Use AI for the mechanical parts, not the judgement
Fixing an error message is a good use. Deciding your question, or what your map means, is not.
So what?
- The report is 40% of your grade, due Friday at 13:10
- Today’s graphs and maps use the data you will receive
So watch how each argument is built, not only what it concludes. It is the model for your report.
I. A Shock That Hit Places
What happened
- China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001
- Its manufactured exports rose faster than any country’s in history
- American factories competed with them, and many lost
That is the story everyone knows. The interesting question is where it landed, because it did not land evenly.
The scale of it
![An enormous container terminal with rows of stacked shipping containers and gantry cranes.]()
Yangshan deep-water port, Shanghai. Source: Wikimedia Commons, public domain.
How we measure the shock?
The basic idea is simple:
Which places were most exposed to competition from Chinese imports?
Imagine two towns:
- Town A makes furniture, toys, and clothing — products China began exporting much more of.
- Town B is mostly hospitals, restaurants, and local services — things that are not imported from China.
Town A gets a high import-exposure score.
Town B gets a low one.
How we measure the shock?
The measure asks:
How much did Chinese imports rise in the industries that workers in this local area depended on?
It then divides that increase by the number of workers in the area.
So import exposure is roughly:
more Chinese imports in your local industries ÷ local workers
A larger number means a bigger trade shock.
How we measure the shock?
- The United States is divided into 722 commuting zones — local labour markets where people live and work.
- Each zone gets its own import-exposure score.
- The study compares two periods: 1990–2000 and 2000–2007.
The key point: the China shock was not equally large everywhere.
It depended on what your local economy produced before Chinese imports surged.
What the score actually is
That score has a unit: dollars of Chinese imports per local worker.
A zone scoring $2,640 means:
For every worker living there, an extra $2,640 of Chinese goods were arriving each year, in the industries that zone worked in.
A zone of 100,000 workers scoring $2,640 faced about $264 million a year of new Chinese competition in its own industries.
What the score is not
- It is not a pay cut. Nobody handed over $2,640
- It is not money the zone lost
- It is the size of the wave arriving, divided by the number of people standing in it
Dividing by workers is what makes a small town and a big city comparable. Detroit gets more imports than a mill town simply because Detroit is bigger — per worker, we can ask which one was hit harder.
Where the China shock hit hardest
The shock was not evenly spread across the United States.
Some local economies depended heavily on industries that suddenly faced much more competition from Chinese imports.
Other places depended on industries that were barely affected.
Where it landed
![]()
Figure 1
Where it landed
So when you look at the map, read it like this:
- Darker / higher-exposure areas = places whose existing industries faced a larger increase in Chinese import competition.
- Lighter / lower-exposure areas = places whose local industries faced much less of that competition.
This does not mean that China “targeted” those places.
It means those places were more vulnerable because of what they were already producing.
A few places took most of it
Extra Chinese imports arriving each year by 2007, per local worker:
- The average zone: $2,640
- The hardest-hit zone: $43,000 — more than 16 times the average
- The middle zone: $1,900 — almost two in three zones came in below the average
The average sits above the typical place and far below the places that actually took the hit. It describes almost nobody.
A few places took most of it
![]()
Figure 2
Those 72 red bars absorbed a third of the country’s entire shock.
A few places took most of it
Where the red bars are:
- Two-thirds of the worst-hit zones are in the South
- Most of the rest are in the Midwest
- Only 2 of 72 are in the West
So this was not one shock the country shared. It was a small number of places taking a very large hit.
So what?
- A national average hides where a shock actually lands
- The unit you choose decides what you can see
- Commuting zones show it; states would not
Which raises the real question: what happened to the people who lived there?
V. Two Shocks, Two Shapes
They are not the same shape
Author’s illustration. Different shapes need different evidence.
What each dataset can show you
| One row is |
A local labour market |
A country |
| Who is counted |
Every worker there |
Only people who use the tool |
| Good for |
Where it landed, what followed |
What it is used for |
| Cannot show |
Whether trade alone caused it |
Anything about non-users |
What we can say
- Import exposure and factory job loss move together, strongly
- The relationship is far stronger after 2001 than before
- Hard-hit places lost workers from the labour force, not to other cities
Our plots are correlations. The paper is not. Autor, Dorn and Hanson isolate the Chinese side of the shock by using the same industries’ exports to other rich countries — which is why economists read this as cause, not coincidence.
Autor, Dorn and Hanson (2016) review how well it held up.
What we cannot say
- That trade alone caused it — automation was happening too
- That the same towns would have thrived otherwise
- That AI will repeat it: different shape, different data, no outcomes yet
Acemoglu and Restrepo (2020) find robots displacing the same kind of work in the same years. The honest position is that we know a great deal about the first shock and almost nothing yet about the second.
Takeaways
- Globalization’s gains were spread; its losses were concentrated
- The unit you measure decides what you can see
- Denominators decide headlines — ask who is counted
- Hard-hit places did not empty out; they stopped working
- AI is a different shape of shock, and it is early
A national average is a sentence about nobody.
References
Acemoglu, D., & Restrepo, P. (2020). Robots and jobs: Evidence from US labor markets. Journal of Political Economy, 128(6), 2188–2244.
Anthropic. (2026). Anthropic Economic Index, release of 26 June 2026. https://huggingface.co/datasets/Anthropic/EconomicIndex
Autor, D. H., Dorn, D., & Hanson, G. H. (2013). The China syndrome: Local labor market effects of import competition in the United States. American Economic Review, 103(6), 2121–2168.
References (cont.)
Autor, D. H., Dorn, D., & Hanson, G. H. (2016). The China shock: Learning from labor-market adjustment to large changes in trade. Annual Review of Economics, 8, 205–240.
Autor, D. H., Dorn, D., Hanson, G. H., & Majlesi, K. (2020). Importing political polarization? The electoral consequences of rising trade exposure. American Economic Review, 110(10), 3139–3183.
Pierce, J. R., & Schott, P. K. (2016). The surprisingly swift decline of US manufacturing employment. American Economic Review, 106(7), 1632–1662.
References (cont.)
Méndez, O. (2015). The effect of Chinese import competition on Mexican local labor markets. The North American Journal of Economics and Finance, 34, 364–380.
US Census Bureau. (2026). Trade in goods by country. https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/balance/
Utar, H., & Torres Ruiz, L. B. (2013). International competition and industrial evolution: Evidence from the impact of Chinese competition on Mexican maquiladoras. Journal of Development Economics, 105, 267–287.