Lecture 15: Artificial Intelligence and the Political Economy of Technological Change
Will AI create shared prosperity—or concentrated gains?
From steam engines to large language models: the same political-economy questions
The same AI can lift wages or replace workers — depending on institutions and choices about deployment
Same fundamental questions as the Industrial Revolution
The chart is not just a number — it is the lived experience of a generation of workers.
Now AI raises the same question on a much larger scale. Will it lift wages, or widen the gap further?
1. Why did productivity rise while wages stagnated after 1980?
2. Will AI raise worker productivity — or replace workers?
3. Will AI’s gains be broadly shared — or concentrated among a few firms and workers?
By the end of this lecture, you should be able to:
The popular belief:
Technology raises productivity → firms expand → labor demand rises → wages follow.
Wages “ride along” on the productivity bandwagon.
But Acemoglu & Johnson (2023) ask: Is this automatic? Or does it depend on conditions that can fail?
Two conditions must hold for the bandwagon to work.
Marginal productivity: does the new technology raise the value of an additional worker, or replace workers altogether?
Complement → workers more valuable
Substitute → workers less valuable
Question for AI
Which tasks does it complement, and which does it substitute?
Even when technology needs workers, gains may not reach them. Workers need power to capture them.
Strong bargaining power → workers share gains
Weak bargaining power → owners keep gains
Question for AI
Who controls AI deployment — workers or just firms?
The bandwagon needs BOTH conditions. If either fails, productivity rises but wages stagnate.
The post-1980 chart you just saw shows exactly this pattern.
During early industrialization (Britain, 1790–1840):
Friedrich Engels documented this gap. Economic historians now call it “the Engels Pause.”
Both conditions failed simultaneously:
Condition 1 failed: early factory machinery substituted for skilled artisans (handloom weavers replaced by power looms)
Condition 2 failed: workers had almost no bargaining power
Result: productivity gains went to industrialists, not workers — for half a century.
After 1840, both conditions were gradually restored — through deliberate institutional change:
By 1900, productivity gains were broadly shared.
The lesson: the bandwagon does not run automatically. Institutions decide whether it carries everyone.
Recall from Lecture 11: jobs = bundles of tasks; technology affects tasks, not whole jobs.
AI is different from earlier automation in important ways:
| Dimension | Past Automation | AI |
|---|---|---|
| Tasks affected | Routine manual | Cognitive + creative |
| Workers displaced | Factory, farm | Professionals, analysts |
| Initial effect | Skill destruction | Skill compression |
| Speed | Decades | Months to years |
The Engels Pause took 50 years. AI may compress that timeline — because cloud deployment is near-instant, AI affects cognitive tasks across many sectors at once, and adoption requires no new factories.
We have a framework. Now we ask the same two questions of AI:
Question 1 (Condition 1): Does AI complement workers — or substitute for them?
Question 2 (Condition 2): Are workers gaining bargaining power — or losing it?
The empirical evidence so far gives us partial, sometimes contradictory, answers.
Setting: One Fortune 500 company
Design: AI assists workers, does not replace them
Outcome: Resolutions per hour (problems solved per hour)
Figure 2: AI productivity gains are largest for lower-skill workers
Setting: Randomized experiment (online)
Design: Treatment group uses AI; control group does not
Outcomes: Time to complete + quality of output (graded by humans)
Figure 3: AI flattens the quality gap between strong and weak writers
What do these studies tell us?
But:
U.S. local labor markets and industrial robots
Implication: Displacement was NOT offset by task creation locally
Source: Acemoglu & Restrepo (2020, Fig. 6)
Source: Acemoglu on AI and Inequality
How does each study map onto the two conditions?
| Study | Complement or Substitute? | Tests Condition | Bottom Line |
|---|---|---|---|
| Brynjolfsson, Li & Raymond (2023) | Complement | C1: marginal productivity | AI raises productivity, especially for novices |
| Noy & Zhang (2023) | Complement | C1: marginal productivity | AI compresses skill gaps in writing |
| Acemoglu & Restrepo (2020) | Substitute | C1: marginal productivity | Robots reduced employment and wages locally |
All three speak to Condition 1. None directly tests Condition 2 — whether workers actually capture the gains.
Eloundou, Manning, Mishkin & Rock (2024):
This inverts the usual automation pattern
Figure 4: AI exposure is highest for cognitive occupations
Figure 5: Theoretical AI capability far exceeds actual observed usage across all occupational categories
Figure 6: Job finding rates for young workers in AI-exposed occupations show early decline
Caveat: This is early warning evidence, not definitive proof of AI displacement. The pattern is correlational — post-ChatGPT, in exposed occupations, for one age group — and consistent with multiple causes.
| Source | GDP Impact | Method | Horizon |
|---|---|---|---|
| Acemoglu (2025) | +1.0% | General equilibrium model; task-level substitution | ~10 years |
| McKinsey (2023) | +6.0% | Productivity potential across use cases | ~decade |
| Goldman Sachs (2023) | +7.0% | Macro projection (level effect on output) | ~10 years |
These estimates differ by an order of magnitude because of fundamentally different modeling choices, not disagreement about AI’s capabilities.
Takeaway: Be skeptical of any single headline number. The range itself is the information.
Boix et al. (2026): Three popular AI exposure indexes yield contradictory sector rankings
| Sector | Felten | Brynjolfsson | Webb |
|---|---|---|---|
| Finance & Insurance | 1 | 1 | 7 |
| Agriculture | 13 | 13 | 1 |
| Manufacturing | 9 | 8 | 2 |
Cells show each sector’s rank on each index (1 = most exposed to AI). The three measures use different methods — task-capability matching (Felten), suitability for machine learning (Brynjolfsson), patent-task overlap (Webb) — and disagree sharply on who is most affected.
If we cannot agree on who is exposed, forecasts about AI’s winners and losers remain deeply uncertain
Autor, Chin, Salomons & Seegmiller (2024):
Hope for AI: If AI creates valuable new tasks, reinstatement can offset displacement—but this requires deliberate institutional effort
| Policy | Condition Targeted |
|---|---|
| Education/retraining | Condition 1: maintain marginal productivity |
| Collective bargaining | Condition 2: restore rent sharing |
| Income support (UBI) | Cushion displacement transitions |
| Antitrust/competition | Reduce market power concentration |
| AI governance | Shape technology development direction |
No single policy suffices—combinations are needed, as during industrialization
Source: Author’s illustration based on Acemoglu & Johnson (2023)
The economic risk — “winner-take-most”:
The political risk — regulatory capture (Boix et al., 2026):
Concentration is not just an economic problem — it shapes who decides what AI becomes.
Acemoglu & Johnson (2023): The direction of AI is a choice, not a given
Will we create shared prosperity, or repeat the Engels Pause?
U.S. economy, 1980–2016:
Historical parallel: Artisan displacement during the Industrial Revolution
Peng, Kalliamvakou, Cihon & Demirer (2023): GitHub Copilot RCT
Implications:
Figure 7: Estimates of AI’s macroeconomic impact vary by an order of magnitude
Popescu (TEC) Technology & Social Change Lecture 15: Artificial Intelligence and the Political Economy of Technological Change